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Der Volkswehr

Understanding the necessity for an effective Armed Military Force to defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of German-Austria, and to ensure stability and rule of law within our national boundaries; the State Council in conjunction with the Provisional National Assembly of German-Austria, acting with the authority of the German-Austrian people, appoints Julius Deutch to the position of Undersecretary of State in the State Office of Army Affairs. Granting him the Mandate to make thorough arrangements for the proper re-organization of the Austro-German Volkswehr into one cohesive force, ensuring its position as an apolitical force intended for the service and prosperity of the Austro-German Republic in accordance with our democratic institutions, the necessity of which has been proven by the events of November 12.
Josef Mayer, State-Secretary of Army Affairs, November 14th 1918.
Having established it’s de-facto control over Austria even before the proclamation of Karl on November 11, and the resignation of the Imperial Government, the Provisional National Assembly and State Council under Renner moved quickly to secure control for itself over the German-speaking parts of the KuK Common Army and the Cisleithanian Imperial-Royal-Landwehr. The Armistice of Villa Giusti and ensuing erosion of Imperial Authority left the forces of Austria in limbo as to the chain of command; subsequently demobilization was made nigh-impossible by large-scale desertion and ad-hoc reorganization of former servicemen into local formations known ”Volkswehr” or “People’s Armies” which were only officially subservient to the Federal Volkswehr as it came to be known, which was under the overall authority of the Renner Government.
Intended for the defence of their own specific home-states, the forces in the provinces ostensibly fell under the command of the provincial legislature and in many cases refused to answer to the central authority of either the Imperial Lammach Government or Karl Renner’s State Council and Provisional National Assembly in Vienna.
In light of this, Renners National Assembly was effectively left without command of an Army, by which to guarantee internal stability or maintain control of the front-line with the Entente, as agreed upon at the Armistice. This instead being done by personnel of the relevant and local Volkswehr forces, creating a rump-force which on a national level answered only to central authority on a basis of personal loyalty by their commanders towards politicians in Vienna, if at all. Some provinces armies even directly ignoring instructions from the National Assembly. At the start of November, when Slovene forces began their advance towards Maribor, the local Carinthian Volkswehr, comprising some 2,500 regulars and 80 officers, acted in direct opposition to orders from Vienna as they engaged advancing Slovene forces, in an attempt to defend their home from incorporation into the South-Slavic state. Likewise in German-Bohemia, forces were raised against the wishes of Vienna to repel advancing armies of the new Czecho-Slovak state seeking the incorporation of the Sudetenland.
In contrast to this, the 6,000 man strong Styrian Volkswehr adopted a stance of near unquestionable loyalty towards Vienna, sharing the concerns of the Renner government that resistance to the advancing forces of the Allied Powers would give cause for the imposition of a much harsher peace on Austria, and potentially disqualify them from joining in Union with Germany. They were joined by the Volkswehr of Vienna, comprising 18,000 men organized in 35 battalions. Most of whom were more loyal towards the Social-Democratic Party of Renner than towards the idea and integrity of the German-Austrian state itself.
Seeking to make sense of the quagmire of an Army they had inherited from the fall of the Habsburg Empire; Social-Democratic member of the Reichrat Julius Deutsch gained appointment as Undersecretary of State in the State Office of Army Affairs; that is to say the provisional Ministry of War. Deutsch had served on the frontlines of Italy, later becoming an Army Union representative to the KuK Ministry of War during which he created a stewardship structure for the Vienna garrison, something which gave him the necessary connections and political backing to be appointed to his new position. Tasked with reorganizing the Volkswehr and establishing it as an effective force loyal to the Government, Deutsch had to balance the inherent autonomous-socialist nature of the provincial Volkswehr, with demands from the Centre-Right Coalition Partners of the Social-Democrats that the Army be made a professional and apolitical force.
Seeking to bridge the gap between the left and right, Deutsch allied with certain Noble Officers, ensuring they retained their positions and maintaining the professionalism of the Officer Corp. Appointing Colonels Theodor [Von] Körner and Karl Schneller to his personal staff, to assist with the building-up of the Army. All the while Feldmarschallleutnant Von Boog (Former Imperial President of the War Ministry) was appointed Commander in Chief of the Volkswehr, in equal part because of his political connections with the right and being considered relatively reliable by the Social-Democrats. Deutsch, Körner, Schneller and Boog became the organizational force behind the restructuring of the Volkswehr, and soon presented a plan for what they termed the “Transitional Army” until a more permanent force could be established off the back of the upcoming peace negotiations.
In dealing with the provincial Volkswehr, Deutsch made concessions towards a Federal structure in which the provincial legislature would maintain their nominal influence over their forces. Each State was to remain in nominal control of their local Volkswehr, and recruits could only be cobbled together in battalions consisting of enlisted personnel from their own province. The Commander in Chief (in this case Von Boog) and the State Secretary of the State Office of Army Affairs (Josef Mayer) should in conjunction be respectively the Military and Civilian head of the combined Federal Armed Forces and would together guarantee that no State should stand alone in case of internal instability or foreign incursions. At the same time new regulations were implemented to reflect the democratic changes to the regime, some examples being; NCO’s could now be promoted to Officers and Corporal punishment by Officers against Enlisted Men were abolished and soldiers councils put in place to ensure the spirit of the Republic was maintained.
The country was divided into “Military Circles” in which the formations would operate. Though only nominal, as most Volkswehr still refused to move out of their own state.
At the end of all this, Deutsch, together with his staff, was able to somewhat bring together a semblance of unity amongst the former soldiers of the Empire in the reorganized Volkswehr. Especially after November 12th and the declaration of the Republic, when Social-Democratic Viennese Volkswehr prevented a coup by Communist Red Guards. Tensions do however remain high, and suspicions of intent are still there as Conservative-Monarchist forces of rural Austria are made to work together with Urban Socialists in ensuring the territorial integrity of German-Austria. Though with the Revolution ongoing in Germany and Peace Negotiations upcoming in Paris, the fragile alliance which has been established might easily descend into internal infighting.
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December 1919

With the fall of the Kaiser, and the monarchs of the Empire soon after, in November 1918, the Empire had fallen, and its place new Republics arose. In the Federal seat, however, there were two Republics - one declared by Philipp Scheidemann and another, the FSRG, by Karl Liebknecht. The first was a moderate provisional government made up of the two pieces of the pre-war SPD, the Majority SPD, led by Friedrich Ebert, and the Independent SPD of Hugo Haase, Karl Liebknecht, and Rosa Luxemburg. The first Federal Republic, continuing on with the name "Deutsches Republic" was a doomed union, damned to toppling by either the far left, or the conservatives that have dominated Germany for the last 50 years, and the far right.
The death bell sounded on Christmas day, 1919. After a month of cutting the USPD out of official governance - assisted by the contempt shown by the conservatives in the existing civil service - and power struggles in the leadership of the revolution, Ebert decided to neuter the USPD further. He decided to cut the salaries of the crème of the Revolutionary paramilitary crop - the Volksmarinedivision. The man sent to inform the paramilitaries of this at their headquarters, the Berlin City Palace, was promptly taken prisoner. In response, Ebert called in help from his ally, Quartermaster General Wilhelm Groener, and nearby Federal troops. It was ineffective. And damning for everyone involved. The USPD realized once and for all that there was no place for them in the provisional government. For the more radial elements of the KPD, there was now no place for the provisional government whatsoever, and it would have to be toppled by revolution. But most crucially, Wilhelm Groener, whose alliance with Ebert was still young, lost faith in the supposed leader of the revolution. He had not only failed to crush the Volksmarinedivision, but bungled the job. When the next crisis came, Groener would leave Ebert hanging. He was making new plans now.
Meanwhile, the Province of Posen exploded with a Polish separatist revolt. Aided by the transit of the best of the Freikorps groups from across Germany to fight in the East, and an agreement for a plebiscite in January with Liebknecht and Luxemberg's government, the uprising very quickly became a total success. Against this backdrop, with counterrevolution looming in Germany while it blossoms in Poland, the KPD announced elections for January 19. Ominously, in the German west, tens of thousands of Entente soldiers pour into the Rhineland to cleave it away from the dying German body.

January and February 1919

The results of the election arrived on the 19th, establishing new leadership in the Soldiers and Workers' Councils across the German Empire. Believing the time of the proletariat is coming nigh, Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg begin gathering intelligence. The USPD begs them to not be hasty, but they are ignored. Across the border, in Poland, a majority Socialist government takes power after a successful election, despite the recent civil war, emboldening Luxemburg in particular. After gauging the health of the nation, and convincing Liebknecht of the necessity of what's to come, the Spartacists put on grim faces. On 27 February, with a stunning rapidity and show of force, the Communists place Ebert and his government under arrest, and assume control of Germany. When Liebknecht and Luxemberg meet with the USPD leaders Hugo Haase, Emil Barth, and Wilhelm Dittman, they are showered with the latter's indignation at the KPD's recklessness and the former's disregard for the USPD. They declare their alliance annulled, and the Communists expelled from the USPD. Then the Spartacists drop a bundle of papers at Haase's feet. Transcripts and physical evidence of the Ebert-Groener pact, designed to crush both the USPD and the Spartacists. They assert that the USPD, by cooperating with the MSPD are complicit, and that yes, indeed, their alliance is over. Because the USPD leaders are packed off to Spandau.
The KPD's next move is for Liebknecht to speak to the nation. He names the Imperial Military as the real November traitors. Liebknecht slams Groener especially for his pact with the "traitor" and "usurper" Ebert. He calls for a general strike to paralyze the old guard in the German bureaucracy, and the military especially. It works. But it works for Liebknecht's enemies. Under pressure from the ever-growing People's Guard of Poznan, the plebiscite is held. Unsurprisingly, with all the armed Poles running around, it returns an overwhelming vote of confidence for union with Poland, with the exception of the western edge of the province and its majority German population. The news is explosive. The nation is paralyzed as hundreds of thousands of Germans, with blood boiling, turn out in the streets to protest and call for the arrest of the "Pole and Jewish conspirator" Rosa Luxemburg. Ears and eyes turn to the man Liebknecht declared Germany's oppressor but themselves perceive as its savior.
Before his downfall, Ebert was able to fire off a single panicked phone call to Kassel. But Groener made excuses; he could not mobilize quick to save the government, the Spartacists have caught him completely flat footed, etcetera. Then he hung up, and waited for the phone to ring, for Liebknecht to ring. No such call comes. But as Ebert suspected, Groener had not been caught unawares whatsoever. He knew of the fragility of the alliance between the USPD and the KPD, knew it would now be broken, and that the USPD's leaders were likely in prison now. And he knew the Communists had already and would continue to shoot themselves in the foot. Time was on his side. Effective immediately, the Communists nationalize all farming estates, somehow making even more rabid foes of the Junker class. To the Kingmaker's desk in Hesse, the parties of the German right and center fly to beg Groener to save Germany. He accepts their baton, and comes to command the allegiance of the political establishment. Then he cables Paris to tell the French that the situation is under control. The French duly receive and ignore Groener's telegram, while they make preemptive arrests of leftists and treat any strikers in the Rhineland with bullets. And they ignore the gathering together of thousands of Freikorps and regular Army soldiers.

March 1919

Bells toll and men shout all over Germany. And then guns roar.
In Baden, some 5,000 revolutionaries calling themselves the Karlsruhe Red Guard respond to the coup by seizing control of Baden's capital. Then, in response to the "Posen betrayal", they quietly disband and return to their homes. The same plays out in Württemberg, where whatever revolutionary sentiment there may have been vanishes with German control of Posen. Also instrumental in the land of Swabia is a one Erwin Rommel, who talks those who do rebel in Württemberg into going home. On the other end of the Rhineland, in Bremen, the Freikorps smash the Soviet Republic that has existed there since 10 January and execute everyone involved. And some totally uninvolved civilians for good measure. Hesse, Saxony, and Lower Saxony are brought fully under Groener's control over the month of March by the moving of regular Army troops and tens of thousands of Freikorps.
Only in Bavaria and in Western Prussia do things not slide into the apocalyptic for the KPD. The odds even there, though, are not good. The government in Munich can gather no new troops. The exact opposite is true for the Army of Greater Poland, whose ranks continue to swell in response to German animosity. Together with the local Volksarmee, rearmed by the Poles, they seize Junker estates and their owners, if they're still present. Late in the month, the Army of Greater Poland receives a special visitor: Rosa Luxemburg. She has come with armed guards, and in secret, by train, after being convinced by Liebknecht of the impending doom of their revolution. If the Poles cannot now read the writing on the wall, Luxemberg reads it aloud to them. They dig in and await the storm.


The headlines of April are dominated by two events: the crushing of the Berlin "Soviet", and the death of Karl Liebknecht, and the invasion by Groener of "Soviet" Bavaria.
The seminal news happens early, as Groener, generally unopposed now, enters a ghostly quiet Berlin. He quickly crushes the Volksmarinedivision and whatever other leftist paramilitaries are still in the city, and subjects them to the machine gun. Karl Liebknecht is given a special death after he is beaten senseless and dragged out of the Reichstag. He is tied to a lamppost, where Freikorps men take turns shooting him until virtually nothing is left of his body. The pieces are then thrown into the Spree. A triumphant Groener is then cheered by the people of Berlin as he arrives the day after the city's capture, striding confidently up the steps of the City Palace to declare the city liberated, and a provisional military government in control of the German Empire.
In Bavaria, Würzburg is yielded without a fight to incoming federal troops and Freikorps, and Munich put on notice. Groener offers Niekisch surrender and reconciliation, or Liebknecht's fate.
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